@article{2018,title={SOME CLASS PARADOXES OF THE MODERNIZATION PROCESS OF THE SECOND CONSTITUTIONAL PERIOD},abstractNode={The modernization movements that started in the Ottoman society at the end of the 18th century aimed to change the societal structure in parallel with the universal humanity values. Actually, it is a common and necessary tendency for a society to aim for civilization and to take civilizational values from other societies. All civilizational values, from the use of fire in the history of mankind to the divine religions, are products of the acculturation processes among the various civilizations. The main tendency that can be accepted as unusual is to refuse transfer of high civilization values from other societies and to constrain civilization into religious boundaries, closing the gates for adopting civilizations of other geographies. 1908 Constitutional Revolution represents the transition of Turkish modernization to a new stage in the Ottoman society. For instance, the transfer of the contemporary civilization values, which were the main pillars of the 18th century Enlightenment idea, such as the institutionalization of parliamentary rule, the removal of the traditional-religious structure from the government and other areas of societal life, development of freedom of thought/publication/association, the opening of science schools, and participation of women in education and occupational structure were all the products of the 1908 revolution. The second topic of our discussion is the effect of the civilization transfer from the West on the societal structure of Turkey. The 1908 revolution did not create a positive change in the living conditions of the labor-dependent and wider segments of the society. Moreover, when historical archives were scanned, it was concluded that the economic conditions of the land-dependent peasants and the newly formed working class were worsening in this period. Similar conclusions can be made from the political point of view. Although the 1908 revolution took strong steps in democracy, it was not possible for the labor-dependent segment of the society, which constituted the majority of the Ottoman community structure, to participate in the leadership. 80 percent of the societal structure was not represented in the first Turkish parliament; moreover, the revolutionaries of this period did not even try to include the labor-dependent and wider society in the governing body. The purpose of this report is to reach and compare the archive information in parallel with our abovementioned hypotheses},author={Mehmet Devrim TOPSES},year={2018},journal={The Journal of Social Sciences}}